The famous Sycamore (Acer Pseudoplatanus) tree on Tolpuddle Village Green, Dorset is a place of pilgrimage for thousands of trade unionist every year.
It is not only the largest Sycamore in Dorset, it is also growing on the smallest village green in Dorset.
The Tree planted in the 1680’s has secured its place in history, because under its vast spreading branches, generations of agricultural labourers from Tolpuddle, (barred from local church hall and other indoor venues) debated late into the night their plight and how to remedy it.
Apart from small talk, they would also have addressed the key issues of the day such as religion and their non conformist faith, no doubt they discussed the many pros and cons of emigration to America and Canada.
However, it would be discussions in 1833 about how they could best address the grinding poverty they and their fellow Dorset agricultural workers found themselves in, that would lead them to a conclusion that they would need to invite travelling delegates from the newly established Grand National Consolidated Trade Union, and ultimately to the fateful decision to form the Tolpuddle Lodge of the Agricultural Labourers Friendly Society in October 1834.
Approximately, forty men joined the union, but the local squirearchy would have non of it and agricultural labourers James Brine, James Hammett, George Loveless, George’s brother James Loveless, George’s brother in-law Thomas Standfield, and Thomas’s son John Standfield were sentenced to transportation to Australia for their part in forming a union.
The Tolpuddle Tree witnessed the formation of the union, the Martyrs’ being taken away in shackles to Dorchester and their ultimate return in triumph after their full pardon.
It has also witnessed the growth of the annual march and rally to celebrate the Martyr’s courageous stand.
Leonard Worsell (left) and John ‘Jac’ John: two of the Llanelli strike casualties. Photograph: Public domain.
A rifle shot rings out. The men by the garden wall stand their ground. “It’s OK,” one shouts out. “It’s only a blank!” There is laughter. “It’s all right – they’ve only got blank cartridges,” someone else yells.
Suddenly a live round smashes into the throat of a man sitting on the wall, knocking him backwards onto the grass. Everybody runs.
Three men are down, bleeding badly. Two of them are carried into a house and laid out on a table, where they die.
On the nearby railway line, the major in charge of the detachment of soldiers orders his men to withdraw.
These events did not take place in Iraq, Afghanistan or some other beleaguered war zone.
They happened nearly a 100 years ago in Llanelli, Wales. The tinplate-producing town was hit hard by deindustrialisation, and thus became the place where the first ever national railway strike happened.
For two days and nights, pitched battles raged between pickets and troops for the line’s control through the town.
In a bungled intervention, the major in charge ordered his men to fire on the strikers. As news of the deaths spread, soldiers tried to restore order with fixed bayonets.
Trucks of the railway company were attacked and set on fire. Detonators exploded, killing a further four townspeople.
Police guarding the railway wagons.
John “Jac” John was 21 when he was killed. A mill worker at the Morewood Tinplate Works, he was a promising rugby player for the Oriental Stars. He was, according to a local rugby reporter, “one of the most popular young men in the town”.
A photograph shows a youth with expressive features and dark hair, parted in the middle and rather stylish looking. Scores of relatively well-paid tinplate workers like himself had come out on the streets in solidarity with the poorer rail workers.
Eight-hour day march circa 1900, outside Parliament House in Spring Street, Melbourne.
The Australian gold rushes attracted many skilled tradesmen to Australia. Some of them had been active in the chartist movement, and subsequently became prominent in the campaign for better working conditions in the Australian colonies.
Eight-hour day banner, Melbourne, 1856
The Stonemasons’ Society in Sydney issued an ultimatum to employers on 18 August 1855 saying that after six months masons would work only an eight-hour day.
Due to the rapid increase in population caused by the gold rushes, many buildings were being constructed, so skilled labour was scarce. Stonemasons working on the Holy Trinity Church and the Mariners’ Church (an evangelical mission to seafarers), decided not to wait and pre-emptively went on strike, thus winning the eight-hour day.
They celebrated with a victory dinner on 1 October 1855 which to this day is celebrated as a Labour Day holiday in the state of New South Wales. When the six-month ultimatum expired in February 1856, stonemasons generally agitated for a reduction of hours. Although opposed by employers, a two-week strike on the construction of Tooth’s Brewery on Parramatta Road proved effective, and stonemasons won an eight-hour day by early March 1856, but with a reduction in wages to match.
Agitation was also occurring in Melbourne where the craft unions were more militant. Stonemasons working on Melbourne University organized to down tools on 21 April 1856 and march to Parliament House with other members of the building trade.
The movement in Melbourne was led by veteran chartists and mason James Stephens, T.W. Vine and James Galloway. The government agreed that workers employed on public works should enjoy an eight-hour day with no loss of pay and Stonemasons celebrated with a holiday and procession on Monday 12 May 1856, when about 700 people marched with 19 trades involved.
By 1858 the eight-hour day was firmly established in the building industry.
From 1879 the eight-hour day was a public holiday in Victoria. The initial success in Melbourne led to the decision to organize a movement, to actively spread the eight-hour idea, and secure the condition generally.
In 1903 veteran socialist Tom Mann spoke to a crowd of a thousand people at the unveiling of the Eight Hour Day monument, funded by public subscription, on the south side of Parliament House.
Eight-hour day procession by miners in Wyalong, New South Wales – late 1890s
It took further campaigning and struggles by trade unions to extend the reduction in hours to all workers in Australia.
In 1916 the Victoria Eight Hours Act was passed granting the eight-hour day to all workers in the state. The eight-hour day was not achieved nationally until the 1920s.
The Commonwealth Arbitration Court gave approval of the 40-hour five-day working week nationally beginning on 1 January 1948.
The achievement of the eight-hour day has been described by historian Rowan Cahill as “one of the great successes of the Australian working class during the nineteenth century, demonstrating to Australian workers that it was possible to successfully organize, mobilize, agitate, and exercise significant control over working conditions and quality of life.
The Australian trade union movement grew out of eight-hour campaigning and the movement that developed to promote the principle.”
The intertwined numbers 888 soon adorned the fronts of many union buildings around Australia.
The Eight Hour March, which began on April 21, 1856, continued each year until 1951 in Melbourne, when the conservative Victorian Trades Hall Council decided to forgo the tradition for the Moomba festival on the Labour Day weekend.
In capital cities and towns across Australia, Eight Hour day marches became a regular social event each year, with early marches often restricted to those workers who had won an eight-hour day.
On t May, 1886 a strike was began throughout the United States in support a eight-hour day. Over the next few days over 340,000 men and women withdrew their labor.
Over a quarter of these strikers were from Chicago and the employers were so shocked by this show of unity that 45,000 workers in the city were immediately granted a shorter workday.
The campaign for the eight-hour day was organised by the International Working Men’s Association (the First International). On 3rd May, the IWPA in Chicago held a rally outside the McCormick Harvester Works, where 1,400 workers were on strike.
They were joined by 6,000 lumber-shovers, who had also withdrawn their labour. While August Spies, one of the leaders of the IWPA was making a speech, the police arrived and opened-fire on the crowd, killing four of the workers.
On 4 May, over 3,000 people turned up at the Haymarket meeting. Speeches were made by August Spies, Albert Parsons and Samuel Fielden.
At 10 a.m. Captain John Bonfield and 180 policemen arrived on the scene. Bonfield was telling the crowd to “disperse immediately and peaceably” when someone threw a bomb into the police ranks from one of the alleys that led into the square.
It exploded killing eight men and wounding sixty-seven others. The police then immediately attacked the crowd. A number of people were killed (the exact number was never disclosed) and over 200 were badly injured.
Several people identified Rudolph Schnaubelt as the man who threw the bomb. He was arrested but was later released without charge. It was later claimed that Schnaubelt was an agent provocateur in the pay of the authorities. After the release of Schnaubelt, the police arrested Samuel Fielden, an Englishman, and six German immigrants, August Spies, Adolph Fisher, Louis Lingg, George Engel, Oscar Neebe, and Michael Schwab.
The police also sought Albert Parsons, the leader of the International Working Peoples Association in Chicago, but he went into hiding and was able to avoid capture. However, on the morning of the trial, Parsons arrived in court to standby his comrades.
The 1912 Monument to the Haymarket Martyrs.
There were plenty of witnesses who were able to prove that none of the eight men threw the bomb.
The authorities therefore decided to charge them with conspiracy to commit murder.
The prosecution case was that these men had made speeches and written articles that had encouraged the unnamed man at the Haymarket to throw the bomb at the police.
The jury was chosen by a special bailiff instead of being selected at random. One of those picked was a relative of one of the police victims.
Julius Grinnell, the State’s Attorney, told the jury: “Convict these men make examples of them, hang them, and you save our institutions.”